Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa appears to be finally dipping his toe in the presidential campaign pool, suggesting – albeit gingerly – what the priorities of a post-Zuma government might be. “We will not compromise on our fight against corruption, patronage or rent-seeking. We will also not allow the institutions of our state to be captured by anyone – be they individuals, be they families who are intent on narrow self-enrichment.” Everyone knows which family he means – dislodging the Gupta’s grip on the state would be essential to undoing the damage of the Zuma administration. But to get to that point, Ramaphosa needs to get into the game. That means dispensing with coded language and diplomacy, and taking the fight to the ANC. By RANJENI MUNUSAMY.
A special costs order should be made against President Jacob Zuma for conflating his role as South Africa’s president and ANC president “in an abuse of process” in opposing a secret ballot in Parliament’s motion of no confidence. It’s another twist in the United Democratic Movement’s application to the Constitutional Court on the issue. “(Zuma) then starts to lecture the court about party discipline and gives chapter and verse of the ANC constitution and disciplinary code when his duty as President is to protect the Constitution of the Republic above else,” UDM leader Bantu Holomisa argues in support of such an order. By MARIANNE MERTEN.
Over the course of the last few days, the fight has been taken squarely to South Africa’s banks. What exactly that “fight” is, however, remains to be seen. Cosatu has marched on Absa’s headquarters; the ANC Women’s League has put out a statement slamming a Rand Merchant Bank report, and the Black Empowerment Foundation has laid charges against the banks involved in the forex manipulation scandal. Then there’s the minor detail that the Black Empowerment Foundation announced its actions through the government’s communication unit, which is supposed to be reserved for state business. By REBECCA DAVIS.
A slip of a young UCT student, with nothing but his bare hands – yet a trudging crowd of 30,000 behind him – taking on the armed might of apartheid. That was the awe-inspiring sight I had of Philip Kgosana making history nearly two generations ago. It speaks to us today in newly troubled, even perilous times. We must remember him, and the senior policeman he parleyed with, for decades. Their example is eloquent. By TONY HEARD.
Former ANC WC chair, Marius Fransman, has been doing a bit of a Hlaudi ever since his suspension for five years from the party on charges of misconduct in November last year. Fransman has refused to go quietly and has still been signing off statements as the ANC Chair in the region as well as attending various meetings in that capacity. On Thursday the ANC’s National Disciplinary Committee laid the matter to rest, issuing a statement that Fransman is not a member of the ANC – over and out. By MARIANNE THAMM.
The African National Congress (ANC) of today is a political organisation as well as the leading force in government in South Africa. The organisation, the government and the state as a whole are in the midst of multiple crises covering broad areas of economic, social and political life. Gone are the days when the ANC represented hope for a better life, cherished by many, many people. It is no longer trusted as the bearer of aspirations for freedom, dignity and a government that benefits all. By RAYMOND SUTTNER.
It’s been 80 days since Health Ombudsman Malegapuru Makgoba revealed that at least 94 patients, who had been moved from Life Esidimeni, died in brutal conditions at NGOs. The Gauteng government says it’s taking care to move patients back to safe facilities, but family members are concerned. By GREG NICOLSON.
The Trump presidency already appears to be coming unglued in its handling of international relations, or at the minimum, the various people in his administration, including “The Decider” himself, really need to become serious adults before something truly dreadful happens. J. BROOKS SPECTOR takes a look. Carefully.
While the parole system or parole boards cannot fix a wrongful conviction, the “contrition” requirement in the parole process currently functions as a quid pro quo for release. This is disproportionately punitive towards people who still maintain their innocence. By RUTH HOPKINS for Wits Justice Project.
On 26 March, shortly before the firing of Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, I tweeted in response to a column which argued that Gordhan was an agent of White Monopoly Capital: “Don’t make the mistake of forcing people to choose between a corrupt predatory elite, and parasitic big capital. Both must be opposed.” This two-part article attempts to unpack the implications of that 133-character tweet.
After taking out a full-page ad in the Sunday Times calling on ANC members to vote with their conscience, Business Leadership South Africa, representing many large South African corporates, seems to have finally found its voice. It has also demanded a meeting with President Jacob Zuma to discuss the irrevocable breakdown of trust between Business Inc. SA and the government.